Today鈥檚 world was largely created by imperialism, yet universities have often been complicit in concealing or sanitising this reality.
These are central themes of a聽new book by Kehinde Andrews (pictured below), the UK鈥檚 first professor of black studies, at Birmingham City University, a聽role he took up in聽2017.聽The聽New Age of Empire: How Racism and Colonialism Still Rule the World聽boldly sets out to 鈥減ut the final nail in the coffin of the post-racial narrative鈥.
The book argues that the West was founded on unprecedented genocides in the Americas and the Caribbean, yet Columbus remains a national hero in the US and 鈥済enocide鈥 became officially accepted as a legal concept only after the Holocaust brought mass killing into the heart of Europe. The Industrial Revolution relied on profits from slave ownership 鈥 and vast sums paid in compensation to former owners of slaves 鈥 and established structures of global inequality that largely live on today. Even progressive policies to redistribute wealth within Western countries usually turn a聽blind eye to this wider injustice.
Many of these arguments, admitted Professor Andrews, were still 鈥渘ot widely accepted. The thing that should be least contentious is the impact of slavery and colonialism on British industry and development 鈥 it鈥檚 obvious. Even that is not really accepted in mainstream history.鈥 Universities had to take a large share of the blame for failures in school curricula and public understanding of empire 鈥渂ecause it鈥檚 the universities which are producing the knowledge. It鈥檚 just a straightforward logical point.鈥
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The New Age of Empire also points to more specific examples of academic complicity. Some historians continue to defend 鈥渢he 鈥業mmaculate Conception narrative鈥 of [the Industrial Revolution], sparked into being by divine British genius鈥. Other scholars played an important role in maintaining 鈥渢he hierarchy of white supremacy鈥, whether by developing 鈥渢he dreaded Washington consensus, the name given to the [often devastating] economic policies [for poor countries] supported by the IMF and the World Bank鈥 or by training thousands of students from the underdeveloped world who are then 鈥渟ent back home with all the tools to continue letting the West ransack their economies鈥.
Yet Professor Andrews also pointed to a more fundamental issue. Western universities were founded on 鈥 and often still invoke 鈥 the ideals of the Enlightenment. A聽prominent recent example was the 2018 book by Steven Pinker, Johnstone Family professor of psychology at Harvard University,听Enlightenment聽Now: The聽Case for聽Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress.
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What this failed to acknowledge, in Professor Andrews鈥 view, was how the Enlightenment was the problem as much as the solution.
For thinkers such as Immanuel Kant, he claimed, 鈥渢he argument has always been that you can separate out their racism from their moral theory. You really can鈥檛!鈥聽lot of Kant鈥檚 work is on climate and 鈥榤oral geography鈥: African people obviously can鈥檛 think; white people can. He is essentially arguing that he can write the Critique of Pure Reason and we can have rights [in Europe] because of the superiority of the white race鈥hat鈥檚 where you see the Enlightenment principles permeating universities, so you create a space for elite white men to create racist knowledge鈥
鈥淚t is blindingly obvious that the biggest problem for global inequality is聽racial: you can map poverty and race, and there鈥檚 a聽complete correlation. The white places are the ones with the highest GDP per capita. Africa has the lowest, and there is a聽hierarchy in between. This is the image of white supremacy from the Enlightenment.鈥
Putting our faith in Enlightenment ideals, therefore, 鈥渘ormalises that level of inequality and says it鈥檚 perfectly OK for Africans to live at levels of poverty we will never experience in the West鈥. Even where they otherwise sound appealing, 鈥渋t聽is impossible for them to deal with racism on a structural level鈥.
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In terms of where we go from here, Professor Andrews pointed to his earlier book, Back to Black: Retelling Black Radicalism for the 21st聽Century, which 鈥渓ays out what black revolution looks like鈥. But he also saw it as crucial to bring into the academy perspectives that have largely been excluded.
Black studies, he explained, has 鈥渋ts intellectual framework in activism and presents a very real criticism from below鈥here hasn鈥檛 been that much black academic production in universities because we haven鈥檛 been in universities鈥ut there鈥檚 a strong tradition of black studies which isn鈥檛 in the university, so there are places we can go to get information and knowledge from鈥f you are white, your chance of being exposed to any of these debates is much more remote.鈥
It was greatly to be regretted, therefore, that the UK鈥檚 very 鈥渟egmented鈥 system of higher education meant that those studying criminology or even dentistry do聽not get an opportunity, as they might in the US, to do a module in black studies as聽well.
POSTSCRIPT:
笔辞蝉迟蝉肠谤颈辫迟:听Enlightenment ideals mask academy鈥檚 dark foundation
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