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History man: interview with Tim Grady

Chester鈥檚 Tim Grady, recently shortlisted for the Cundill History Prize, is proof that smaller universities can produce researchers who compete with the elite. John Morgan writes

Published on
November 22, 2018
Last updated
November 22, 2018
German soldiers
Source: Getty/Alamy montage
Rabbi Jacob Sonderling in uniform holds a Yom Kippur service in the field with a group of Jewish soldiers

The for this year鈥檚 Cundill History Prize was replete with the prominent university professors and celebrated writers that you might expect to see competing for what is said to be the world鈥檚 most lucrative prize for history writing.

Seven of the eight shortlisted candidates for the $75,000 (拢58,000) prize, administered by Montreal鈥檚 McGill University, were from North America. They included former Brown University provost David Kertzer, for his book on the papacy鈥檚 loss of political power in the 19th century; Pulitzer prizewinning Washington Post columnist and London School of Economics professor Anne Applebaum, for a book detailing Stalin鈥檚 extermination of millions of Ukrainians in the 1930s via a deliberately induced famine; and Harvard professor Maya Jasanoff, for her life and times of Joseph Conrad, which won the award, announced on 15 November. The only name on the list from beyond the US was Tim Grady, reader in modern history at the University of Chester.

Grady鈥檚 book, A Deadly Legacy: German Jews and the Great War, published by Yale University Press in September 2017, also made the six-strong shortlist for the Wolfson Prize, the UK鈥檚 foremost history prize, alongside works by historians from the Russell Group universities of Bristol and Warwick, as well as two from University of London institutions.

Grady didn鈥檛 end up winning either prize, but his shortlisting for two such prestigious awards remains a significant achievement. 鈥淚鈥檓 at a small university,鈥 he says. 鈥淪o it does show鈥hat it鈥檚 not [always the likes of] Oxford and Cambridge: other universities are recognised, and the work that goes on at other universities is recognised.鈥

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While Grady has encountered snobbery, his success tells a story about carving out a research reputation while teaching at a regional university outside the supposed 鈥渆lite鈥 鈥 at a time when policy is driving ever-greater concentration of research funding in the most prestigious research-intensive universities.

The subject of Grady鈥檚 research, too, is highly topical. The centenary of Armistice Day passed recently, and centenaries will follow for the formative events that came after the Great War, such as the signing of the Treaty of Versailles in June 1919. In Germany, the early interwar period was marked by continuing revolution, reaction, an explosion of political violence and a toxic growth of right-wing nationalism that fed itself with myth-making about the history of the Great War. Grady sheds light on how German Jewish participation in the fighting was falsified, helping to shape the notorious 鈥渟tab-in-the-back鈥 myth 鈥 the notion that the German military was never defeated on the battlefield, but was betrayed by socialists, communists and Jews at home 鈥 that eventually became core to the Nazis鈥 political messaging. This is a history that shows how 鈥渟implistic narratives of the past鈥 can be 鈥渄angerous鈥, Grady says.

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Time Grady

Grady鈥檚 journey into the study of German Jewish history as a 鈥渄efining part of 20th-century German history鈥 began with an undergraduate degree in German and history at Keele University 鈥 and, in particular, with a year abroad at the Friedrich-Alexander University of Erlangen-Nuremberg. During that time, he researched the 鈥淛ewish professors who were at the university in 1933鈥, the year the Nazi government began to introduce laws purging Jews and the 鈥減olitically unreliable鈥 from the civil service 鈥 including the professoriate. But he ran up against an oddly obstructive retired professor in charge of Erlangen-Nuremberg鈥檚 archive.

鈥淭here were no Jews here,鈥 Grady (pictured above) recalls the professor telling him, as he refused access to the archive. Once Grady had explained that he knew that was not true, the professor grudgingly relented, but the student was left wondering why the professor had been so reluctant to grant him access.

Grady鈥檚 undergraduate dissertation on 鈥渁cademic antisemitism鈥, based on his Erlangen-Nuremberg research, earned him the runner-up award in History Today鈥檚 undergraduate dissertation prize, and was in 2002.

He went on to do a master鈥檚 in Jewish history and culture at the University of Southampton鈥檚 Parkes Institute for the study of Jewish/non-Jewish relations. There, he became interested in the 鈥渓argely unwritten history of German Jews in the First World War鈥. Reading George Mosse鈥檚 1991 book Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars was an important milestone. Mosse, a Jewish 茅migr茅 from Nazi Germany who became a history professor in the US, talked about 鈥渉ow wars are remembered and the myths that come out of the remembrance鈥, says Grady. He discussed how German Jews 鈥渉ad fought in the First World War, but then had not really been allowed to remember their service thereafter鈥, while simultaneously writing of how the Nazis had removed Jewish names from war memorials 鈥 implying that prior to the Nazi period their service had been publicly acknowledged.

鈥淪omething didn鈥檛 fully stack up there,鈥 Grady adds. 鈥淭here had to be a wider history that needed to be written.鈥

That led on to his PhD on how the remembrance of the German Jews who fought in the war had been altered during the Third Reich. This became a book published by Liverpool University Press in 2012, titled The German-Jewish Soldiers of the First World War in History and Memory.

Yale University Press subsequently agreed that there was a need for a book on German Jews during the conflict itself and wanted to publish A Deadly Legacy as a trade book 鈥 intended for a general readership 鈥 given the subject鈥檚 potential wide appeal. Grady says he was 鈥渂it nervous at first鈥 about this route. But now, he is 鈥渕ore and more convinced that, as historians, this is really what we should be doing. You can have new research and you can make it accessible.鈥

In researching the book, Grady studied diaries, letters and newspapers. Jewish escape and emigration from Germany meant that the source material was 鈥渟cattered everywhere鈥, leading Grady to trawl a diverse range of archives, including the University of Leeds, the Jewish Museum in Berlin, the Central Zionist Archive in Jerusalem, and both federal and local archives in Germany.

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Historians studying the First World War have increasingly shifted their focus away from the front line towards the multiple experiences of the war within the participating nations, Grady explains. He wanted to apply that perspective 鈥渁nd think about German Jews鈥 lives during the conflict as a whole鈥. For much of the time, the way German Jews experienced the conflict was 鈥渘ot exceptional鈥, he found 鈥 a significant point given the ways the German right 鈥渙thered鈥 Jews in its myth-making about the war, Grady writes.

For Jews in the military 鈥 nearly 100,000 served in German uniform 鈥 the war initially appeared to bring an easing of antisemitic discrimination, as the drive to increase troop numbers took precedence, Grady explains. Jewish soldiers were allowed to supply their own kosher food and had some leave entitlements for the major Jewish holidays. Rabbis also served, and conducted services in the field. Photographs of Jewish and Christian chaplains serving together circulated, writes Grady, with the aim of promoting a clear message: 鈥淛ews, for so long at the margins of the military and wider society, were now the equal of all other Germans.鈥 A contemporary postcard image of Rabbi Jacob Sonderling in uniform holding a Yom Kippur service in the field with a group of Jewish soldiers (main image) is one of the more widely circulated images of Jewish military service, and features in Grady鈥檚 book 鈥 although various aspects of the image suggest it may have been doctored. 鈥淭here were early reports of the rabbis鈥 work, but probably few images, so this may well have been an attempt to visualise their work,鈥 says Grady. The Israelitisches Familienblatt, a Jewish weekly, 鈥渞egularly published full-page spreads of those German Jews awarded the Iron Cross 1st Class鈥 until the end of the war.

Some German Jews supported the case for annexing territories to the east, Grady writes, as it offered the prospect of rescuing from 鈥淩ussian brutality鈥 the Jews living in the Pale of Settlement 鈥 the area stretching from eastern Poland to modern-day Ukraine to which Jews had historically been confined by Imperial Russia. Expanding Germany to the east later became an obsession for the Nazis, with utterly different colonial, genocidal aims.

Given the inescapable facts of what came after the war, 鈥測ou鈥檝e got to be aware of the sensitivities [around] placing Jews back into German uniform, placing Jews back as participants in this conflict鈥, says Grady (pictured above right).

Writing about 鈥淕erman Jews involved in propaganda efforts, or German Jews arguing for annexations鈥 is 鈥渧ery difficult鈥, he adds. 鈥淕erman Jewish survivors of the Holocaust, when they wrote their memoirs鈥ound it very difficult to write about this earlier history... I鈥檓 very aware it鈥檚 a very sensitive history.鈥

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That point is illustrated by the fact that, amid the warm reception for the book, one reviewer took strong exception to Grady鈥檚 approach. Anthony Kauders, professor of modern history at Keele, wondered what question A Deadly Legacy was trying to answer. In a for European History Quarterly, he wrote: 鈥淚f [the book鈥檚] intention was to undercover [ sic ] a statistically relevant 鈥楯ewish鈥 responsibility for German colonialism, revanchism and right-wing extremism, then this endeavour, with its ominous undertones, has failed to convince the reviewer.鈥

Grady was 鈥渟hocked鈥 by the review. But he argues that 鈥渋f you think of German Jewish history as a division between Germans and Jews, and the Jews were gradually, gradually forced out through increased antisemitism 鈥 then it鈥檚 quite obvious how the Holocaust would have come about鈥. If, on the other hand, German non-Jews and German Jews are considered as 鈥渄eeply entwined peoples and communities, which actually shared lots of similar beliefs at different times, then how does the Holocaust come from that? That鈥檚 much trickier to understand. You can鈥檛 get simple narratives from that.鈥

He is convinced that 鈥渨e have to think about less palatable and more difficult narratives of the First World War鈥 鈥 which 鈥渋sn鈥檛 to attribute blame in any shape or form [for] what comes later鈥. He warns that 鈥渟imple narratives of the past can themselves be鈥angerous鈥. In Germany, such narratives led to 鈥渟implistic myths of [German] defeat鈥, such as the stab-in-the-back myth, which 鈥渆nded up with Jews being [seen as] outsiders of the conflict thereafter鈥.

In 1916, as war and hardship continued, and the search for someone to blame began, there were antisemitic claims about Jewish soldiers 鈥渟hirking鈥. These eventually culminated in a Prussian War Ministry census of Jewish troops, purporting to judge how many were on the front line, how many were in roles removed from the front line, and how many had won medals for bravery, Grady explains.

The bogus statistics 鈥渁bout how many Jews [were] fighting continues to be debated all the way through the 20s, the 30s. It never disappears 鈥 there鈥檚 always that suspicion [that Jewish troops shied away from the front line] from that moment onwards鈥, he says. When Jewish figures in the Independent Social Democratic Party were prominent in leading strikes in Berlin and Munich in January 1918, calling for peace and an end to food shortages, it 鈥渟eemed to provide further evidence for those who believed that German Jews were somehow inextricably linked to revolutionary, unpatriotic behaviour鈥, writes Grady.

Then the war ended, 鈥渘ot just with defeat but with revolution, too鈥, a combination that 鈥渦ltimately proves most dangerous for the Jewish population of Germany鈥, he says. The Jewish population became 鈥渁ssociated with the revolution and鈥lamed, in the minds of the right, for encouraging the revolution. When this is combined with the idea of 鈥榮hirking鈥 鈥 they start to be pushed towards the margins.鈥

German Jewish soldiers in the First World War celebrate Passover in 1916
厂辞耻谤肠别:听
Getty/Alamy montage

Grady鈥檚 research has achieved prominence despite his working at institutions outside the self-identified elite of the Russell Group.

鈥淲hen I went to university, I never would have had any thoughts whatsoever 鈥 although I loved history 鈥 about making a career out of it,鈥 he says. But the teaching of Colin Richmond 鈥 a medievalist who also taught on the Holocaust 鈥 was 鈥渞eally important鈥 in setting Grady on a path into academia. And his year in Germany 鈥渟uddenly forced me to think about history completely differently. [I found myself] thinking about parts of the past that are around you鈥 just loved that.鈥

There is plenty of the past all around you in Chester, but has it ever been suggested to him that the Roman city鈥檚 post-92 university 鈥 where he has been based for 10 years, after short-term roles at the University of Portsmouth 鈥 is not the right sort of location to build a career as a researcher?

鈥淲hen I first went to Chester鈥here were people telling me: 鈥榊ou don鈥檛 want to stay at Chester long: you need to protect your research time,鈥欌 Grady admits. That message came from 鈥減eople I knew at other universities, at bigger universities鈥, he adds.

鈥淏ut what I would say, obviously, from writing this book and writing other books, [is that] I think you can make your time work 鈥 and you can make research work 鈥 at a smaller institution鈥nce people realise that you are writing stuff that is not bad, then I鈥檓 not sure if that snobbery stays.鈥 Being made a committee member of the German Historical Society last year and becoming an external examiner at the University of St Andrews are testament to the fact that while 鈥渢here are prejudices鈥, if 鈥測ou can produce a body of work that is recognised鈥 then it is possible to progress 鈥渁t a smaller university like Chester just as much as you could elsewhere鈥, he argues.

And if research were restricted to 鈥渏ust the biggest institutions, rather than pools of excellence across the country鈥, it would be 鈥渧ery destructive鈥 argues Grady. There are 10 academics in Chester鈥檚 history department, 鈥渁ll excellent historians doing a lot of research and a lot of teaching as well鈥. Their research 鈥渉as local importance鈥, not just in terms of local history 鈥渂ut in terms of bringing our research to schools and colleges鈥.

Grady cites a recent occasion when he was invited to the rededication of a war memorial at a Catholic church in Chester. The invitation came after he had worked with church figures to reveal the histories of the named soldiers, including those from Belgium and Ireland. Academics鈥 ability to offer such help derives from 鈥渙ur own research鈥, he says. 鈥淗aving smaller regional universities that do have research going on that is important locally for community work, for developing cultural activities, is so crucial.鈥

Removing research from regional universities would also destroy their ability to conduct research-informed teaching.

鈥淚 cannot see how you can teach at a university if you鈥檙e not doing research,鈥 Grady says. There is 鈥渁lways something you鈥檝e done 鈥 an archive you鈥檝e been to, something you鈥檝e read, something you鈥檝e written about 鈥 that you draw on鈥 in teaching students, he argues.

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鈥淚f you鈥檙e not talking about [the topic of the lecture or seminar] through your own research, or through your own experiences, then it鈥檚 just about textbooks鈥t鈥檚 not a university. Research has to be there; it鈥檚 fundamental.鈥

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