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Superscoring standardised admission tests will supersize advantage

Allowing university applicants to retake specific sections of the ACT will aid only those able to afford tutors and multiple test fees, says Anthony P. Carnevale

Published on
October 31, 2019
Last updated
March 4, 2020
Four students on scoreboard
Source: Getty (edited)

On US students鈥 college-prep checklist, nothing looms larger than college admission tests. That鈥檚 why changes to the ACT might seem like a windfall to students who are concerned that a single test score could determine their whole futures.

Starting next fall, students will be able to retake any of the ACT鈥檚 five sections 鈥 mathematics, science, reading, English, and the optional writing section 鈥 by sitting for them one at a time, rather than all at once again. Students will then earn a 鈥渟uperscore鈥, calculated by combining their highest scores on each section.

Sounds like a great idea, right? Sure 鈥 if you鈥檙e a student with the time and money to supersize your test-taking, or if you are a college chasing prestige by boosting the average test score of your admitted class. Those without the resources for tutors and repeated testing fees will just fall further behind, as their competitors pull away from the pack.

This will just widen the gaps in class privilege that are already baked into the tests. And because socio-economic status correlates highly with race, the racial gaps will widen, too.

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We鈥檝e long known that the ACT and its competitor, the SAT, are poor predictors of how a student will do in college. For example, the SAT predicts only 16 per cent of first-year GPA on its own and only 23 per cent in combination with high-school GPA, according to a 2010 of data from the University of California. And at the Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce, that admission tests also tell us little about students鈥 chances of graduation: at selective colleges, students who score above a 1200 on the SAT (or equivalent ACT score) graduate at a rate of 85 per cent, compared with a slightly lower rate of 79 per cent for those who score between 1000 and 1099. Students generally need at least an 1150 SAT score to get into the top 500 US colleges.

What the tests seem to reliably predict is not students鈥 future successes but their background characteristics, such as socio-economic status and race 鈥 factors that are tied to systemic inequality. In fact, has shown that the SAT in effect functions as a proxy for these background characteristics: affluent, white and Asian students make up the majority of high scorers.

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In other words, standardised tests give a scientific sheen to the exclusion of low-income, black and Latino students while claiming to sort applicants by merit.

In our , The Merit Myth: How Our Colleges Favor the Rich and Divide America,聽my co-authors and I describe how admission tests that were originally designed to lift talent out of obscurity by measuring qualities聽such as IQ, aptitude and achievement became a means of perpetuating racial and class disparities.

When college attendance skyrocketed in the aftermath of the Second World War, the tests seemed like a necessary shortcut to identify students with the most promise. But then higher education鈥檚 student bodies diversified, and it became clear that the tests don鈥檛 measure aptitude or achievement at all. Put on the defensive, the tests鈥 architects have failed to keep up. The ACT changes are just the latest of the 鈥渋mprovements鈥 they have put in place over the years, which have done little more than create new loopholes for the already advantaged.聽

The test companies are well aware that they still have a problem with fairness, and they know it is a threat to their business model. That鈥檚 why they continue to try out ways to make the test more equitable, as when the College Board, which runs the SAT, announced earlier this year that it planned to launch an 鈥渁dversity score鈥 to give socio-economic context to students鈥 SAT scores. The plan was quickly in the face of criticism that it was impossible to sum up the individual challenges faced by students in a single number, but the issue it was intended to address remains.

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So who stands to benefit from the ACT change? The answer seems to be the ACT organisation itself. The new rules provide a strong incentive for students to take the test repeatedly, and they may give the ACT a competitive edge over the SAT.

But while critics howl at the continued unfairness of the system, those who have relied on standardised tests to maintain their privilege will be loath to give them up. And while standardised tests are overused, they do play a role in holding colleges accountable for their admission decisions.

has shown that 鈥渢est-optional鈥 admissions 鈥 an increasingly popular practice that allows students to apply without submitting standardised test scores 鈥 allow colleges to boost their average scores because lower scores are less likely to be submitted. But this is more beneficial to institutional prestige than to low-income or minority students.

In the end, there鈥檚 no easy solution to the warped meritocracy of admission tests 鈥 but the ACT鈥檚 latest plan will help only those who don鈥檛 need the assistance.

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Anthony P. Carnevale is founder and director of the Center on Education and the Workforce and a former vice-president of Educational Testing Service, which develops and administers the SAT.

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