Republican leaders are pushing a new round of attempts to impose their ideological stamp on US higher education, moving through Congress a pair of initiatives that would force greater tolerance of conservative and religious perspectives while restricting institutions from pursuing racial diversity efforts.
The bills, approved by the Committee on Education and the Workforce of the Republican-majority House of Representatives, aim to exempt religious and other ideological content from federal accreditation systems designed to ensure educational value and quality, and to force colleges and universities to host and sponsor political groups they find problematic.
The committee鈥檚 chair, Virginia Foxx, described her party鈥檚 efforts as a bid to 鈥渕aintain viewpoint neutrality鈥 in higher education. The panel鈥檚 top-ranking Democrat, Bobby Scott, derided the legislation as constituting attacks on academic freedom and demographic diversity.
Both measures won approval on party-line votes, though they are regarded by experts as having questionable prospects if they face a vote in the full House, and even longer odds in the Democrat-controlled Senate.
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US higher education leaders made a point of registering their opposition to the free-speech bill, repeating their past assertions during such debates that US college students already have the constitutional protections they need to express their opinions. The bill is a 鈥渉eavy-handed approach鈥 that doesn鈥檛 identify any specific free-speech problems that needed to be fixed, a collection of the nation鈥檚 top higher education associations聽聽to the lawmakers.
While such debates聽might be stalemated on the federal level in the closely divided Congress, conservatives continue to impose such constraints at the state level. Two of the latest major examples are Indiana, which just enacted a law that aims to force faculty to promote conservative viewpoints as a condition for their promotion and tenure, and Alabama, which just joined a group of several states that have banned diversity promotion efforts in their public colleges and universities.
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In signing the Alabama law, the state鈥檚 Republican governor, Kay Ivey, said that she generally valued diversity but would not 鈥渁llow a few bad actors on college campuses鈥 to use concepts of equity 鈥渢o push their liberal political movement counter to what the majority of Alabamians believe鈥.
The ultimate effect of such measures wasn鈥檛 immediately obvious. In Alabama 鈥撀as in Florida, which has a similar law 鈥 some university leaders have suggested they might find a way to maintain diversity efforts by simply renaming their diversity-oriented job titles or the tasks that such officials have been carrying out.
And in Indiana, both faculty and students have noted that partisan mandates to promote 鈥渋ntellectual diversity鈥 鈥 intended by their Republican proponents to boost conservative perspectives in classrooms 鈥 could just as easily be regarded as requiring additional voices from the political left.
That general atmosphere of聽ambiguity and self-contradiction聽was highlighted by some members of the House education committee in the US Congress just ahead of their vote on the accreditation and free-speech bills. Kathy Manning, a Democrat of North Carolina,聽聽in Republicans insisting that the heads of US colleges and universities should show no favouritism toward any sides in a political debate, just weeks after they聽staged a hearing聽where they roundly chastised the presidents of three top universities 鈥 leading to the resignations of two of them 鈥 for their failure to publicly side with Israelis over Palestinians.
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鈥淗ow can we demand universities take a stand against the hateful, humiliating, isolating antisemitism that we condemned, while also considering legislation that would prevent them from doing so,鈥 Ms Manning said. 鈥淭his bill, I鈥檓 afraid, could actually protect the kind of extreme hate speech and rhetoric that we condemned at that now infamous hearing.鈥
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