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On the Run: Fugitive Life in an American City, by Alice Goffman

Dick Hobbs on how the intense nature of policing creates secondary casualties in poor communities

Published on
May 15, 2014
Last updated
June 10, 2015

For some time, orthodox Western liberal discourse has been critical of the 鈥渨ar on drugs鈥. The blindingly obvious fact that this is a war that cannot be won has become an unremarkable feature of press releases issued by chief constables who are approaching retirement, and of late-night post-dinner conversations conducted over a small tray of something potent from Colombia. Human rights activists have highlighted the impact of the war on producer countries, and scholars have documented the impact on the prison system and the creation of global policing systems. But much of this cacophony of righteous outrage is concerned with abstractions or actuarial-based arguments that ignore the war casualties sprawled inelegantly on our own doorsteps.

Alice Goffman鈥檚 fieldwork in a black working-class neighbourhood of Philadelphia was no career-inspired flying visit: she lived in the war zone for six years, and this work is powerfully informed by the people she met, interviewed and lived among. Police raids, chases, guns, drugs, arrests and a cop鈥檚 boot on her neck typified her time in a community that was corralled, controlled and regularly beaten to the verge of submission. For although prison has provided the focus for much of the growing critique of the war on drugs, Goffman鈥檚 analysis shows how the war declared by Richard Nixon and enthusiastically escalated by Ronald Reagan has produced not only a fivefold increase in the prison population of the US, but also the ways and means to wage war on a civilian population whose resources have already been decimated by neoliberalism.

Successive political regimes in the US responded to economic decline by normalising 鈥渢ough on crime鈥 policies that target not only drug possession but also prostitution, vagrancy, gambling and other crimes of the poor. Zero tolerance is now an uncontested political orthodoxy. With one in nine young black men in prison and 60 per cent of black men who do not finish high school serving prison time by their mid-thirties, the prison industry has clearly benefited from the war on drugs. But so have the police.

Despite falling crime rates, America鈥檚 war on drugs has licensed huge increases in police numbers, an expansion of police technology including in-car computers and, most importantly, a ferociously applied, barely comprehensible grid of linked warrants that compound a wide range of petty infractions into a palpable threat of imprisonment. Bail and probation conditions are rigidly policed by a range of agencies that have developed warrant enforcement specialisms backed up by synchronised computerised systems and pushed by data-driven management. The computer mapping program that coordinates the various local intelligence systems, Goffman notes, was developed by a Philadelphia FBI officer who took his inspiration from a documentary about the Stasi.

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Goffman painstakingly describes how these systems and the agencies that implement them have created gulags within ex-industrial settings where, in an environment stripped of legitimate work and welfare provision, the drug trade is one of the few options. Poor black communities provide a rich harvest of low-hanging fruit for performance-driven law enforcement agencies. Court fines and fees, technical offences and violations of probation or parole, along with petty offences, mean that large proportions of the population are constantly on the run. The supervisory conditions imposed by probation and parole include not only curfews but also restrictions on driving a car, crossing state lines, drinking alcohol and visiting certain parts of the city.

Violations and even suspected violations mean a return to prison, even if the charges are later dropped. Arrests are made at work, at funerals and in hospital delivery rooms as fathers accompany their partners at the birth of a child. The intense nature of policing means that it is all too easy to have freedom revoked, and as a consequence those on the run avoid visiting hospital, home or friends and become heavily reliant on the underground economy for medical treatment, shelter and, of course, income. In doing so they become vulnerable to predators, and as there can be no recourse to the police, they must defend themselves. Everything is expensive, and friends, relatives and neighbours become implicated in complex machinations involving risk, loyalty and pragmatic self-interest. All become embedded in a fugitive culture; all must be ready to run.

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In a book replete with poignant examples and episodes, one that stands out is a conversation between brothers, one a streetwise man in his twenties and the other a 12-year-old boy.

鈥淲hat you going to do when you hear the sirens?鈥 Chuck asked.

鈥淚鈥檓 out,鈥 his little brother replied.

鈥淲here you running to?鈥

鈥淗别谤别.鈥

鈥淵ou can鈥檛 run here 鈥 they know you live here.鈥

鈥淚鈥檓a hide in the back room in the basement.鈥

鈥淵ou think they ain鈥檛 tearing down that little door?鈥

Tim shrugged.

鈥淵ou know Miss Toya?鈥

鈥渊别补丑.鈥

鈥淵ou can go over there.鈥

鈥淏ut I don鈥檛 even know her like that.鈥

鈥淓虫补肠迟濒测.鈥

鈥淲hy I can鈥檛 go to Uncle Jean鈥檚?鈥

鈥 鈥機ause they know that鈥檚 your uncle. You can鈥檛 go to nobody that鈥檚 connected to you.鈥

Disconnection is the name of the game. All the informal props and everyday assumptions of community are dangerous, and friends and family ties are vulnerable to a potent combination of sophisticated surveillance and brute force. Indeed, the extent of the pressure the police impose on friends and family is one of the many lasting impressions left by this powerful book. Goffman describes how the police impose unbearable choices and, in so doing, create a culture of informants that is nightmarishly contradictory, and where mere paranoia would be a blessed relief.

Yet the residents of Philadelphia鈥檚 6th Street are not mere pawns in the games played by law enforcement agencies. Some use prison as a resource to escape street violence, the bail office becomes a bank, and fugitive status is a way of ducking personal obligations. Importantly, the culture manufactured by the war on drugs becomes all-encompassing, the spider at the centre of a web that must be negotiated with enormous care. Goffman highlights how local residents risk secondary legal jeopardy to provide goods and services to fugitives and those subjected to various restraints on their freedom: an informal answering service for those on curfew, clean urine for those about to be tested, forged documentation and a range of goods and services that normally would require a legitimate ID. For the desperate and entrepreneurially inclined, the underground network created by the war on drugs includes smuggling contraband into prison and arrangements with corrupt prison guards. Some of the more harrowing accounts here relate to the medical treatment available to those on the run, often administered by individuals whose connection to the medical profession is little more than tenuous.

Yet somehow, niches of humanity, decency and even conviviality are negotiated in this (barely) open prison. The fact that Goffman has managed to portray this culture as one that is imbued with compromise, forgiveness and honour is tribute to her skill as an astonishingly appreciative ethnographer.

This is a truly wonderful book that identifies the casualties of the war on drugs that extend beyond the prison walls. The punitive ghettoisation of the poor leaves few families untouched. The detail is incredible. The research is impeccable. Read it and weep.

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The author

鈥淚鈥檓 sorely lacking in hobbies,鈥 admits Alice Goffman, assistant professor of sociology at the University of Wisconsin Madison.

鈥淥h, here鈥檚 one. I like picking.聽I like untangling knots or picking all of the seeds out of a pomegranate. Maybe my other hobby is note-taking. I take a lot of notes on my phone 鈥 observations of everyday life, conversations. Even when I鈥檓 not doing sustained fieldwork, I鈥檓 writing down what I see.鈥

She came to Madison (a city 鈥渟urrounded by water, by lakes on two sides; children growing up here learn the word isthmus very early in life鈥) for its sociology department. 鈥淚t鈥檚 where my doctoral adviser Mitch Duneier worked before moving to Princeton University, and it鈥檚 where Devah Pager did her dissertation. Her work on discrimination against black job applicants with criminal records was a big inspiration to me. They both said this was the best place to be an assistant professor, and they were right. I feel hugely lucky to be here and to have this job.鈥

Her academic path follows that of her mother, her stepfather and her late father. Was she ever tempted to rebel against going into the family business? 鈥淭hat鈥檚 funny 鈥 I never thought of it as the family business until you said it. My parents are linguists, so sociology was a departure. My father [Erving Goffman], who was a sociologist, died before I could remember him, so going into sociology didn鈥檛 feel as weird as it probably would have if he had lived.

鈥淢y dad, Bill Labov, just called last night to tell me that he was reading the book and enjoying it. It means a lot to me that he and my mum think it鈥檚 any good, especially since they聽remember聽a lot of the events, and know most of the people in it.鈥

On the Run grew out of her doctoral thesis at Princeton, which won the 2011 Dissertation Awards from the American Sociological Association, which itself grew out of research she undertook while an undergraduate at the University of Pennsylvania.

In adapting her dissertation, Goffman says she 鈥渨rote three new chapters and rewrote the original ones. The appendix took eight months. I had to go back to my notes and reconstruct the stages of the research, the major events.

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She notes: 鈥淥ne thing that鈥檚 changed between when I finished the dissertation and now is the growing reform movement. We鈥檝e seen small decreases in incarceration over the past four years, for the first time in four decades. President Obama and Eric Holder, the Attorney General, are making speeches about ending mandatory minimums for drug sentences. For those of us who have been working on the causes and consequences of historically high incarceration rates, it鈥檚 incredibly exciting. We didn鈥檛 think we鈥檇 see this in our lifetime.鈥

In On the Run, Goffman details her own harsh treatment at the hands of Philadelphia police officers when living in the neighbourhood she calls 6th Street. Did she ever consider filing a complaint about being manhandled and subjected to racist and sexist verbal assaults?

鈥淣o. I was trying to understand everyday life in the 6th Street community on its own terms 鈥 as much as someone as different as I am possibly could.聽Participant observation is about cutting yourself off from your prior life and subjecting yourself to whatever鈥檚 being thrown at the people you want to understand. Making a formal complaint 鈥 that鈥檚 not what anybody I knew was doing,鈥 Goffman says.

鈥淎lso, the police have lost so much legitimacy in communities like 6th Street, complaining to them would just not make sense. To say they have lost legitimacy is not even really covering it. There鈥檚 a palpable anger at how the police treat people; the violence and the arrests and the raids.聽They aren鈥檛 people you can turn to for redress.鈥

On the Run also refers to the low-paid (mostly black) support staff at the University of Pennsylvania, the way they are viewed by (mostly white) undergraduates, and their poor work conditions. One of the staff Goffman mentions is Miss Deena, a long-serving senior catering employee at Pennsylvania who was made redundant when she was just two years away from being eligible for retirement and a pension.

Does Goffman feel that support workers鈥 conditions and concerns are largely invisible to students and academics at the institutions she鈥檚 attended and worked at?

She responds: 鈥淚 taught an undergraduate class last term where students, for their fieldwork, shadowed members of the university staff 鈥 custodians, people working in recycling 鈥 around on their jobs. My fabulous teaching assistant Martina Kunovic thought of it and made it happen.

鈥淚 think some of the students were shocked and outraged at how little the workers were paid; their presentations were all about the people who keep the school running but are invisible to students and faculty. Many in the class hadn鈥檛 considered this before. But at Madison I also teach students whose parents are paving the roads around the university, so some students are pretty aware.鈥

Were any of her academic supervisors or other lecturers concerned about the situations she found herself in while carrying out her research in 6th Street?

鈥淗a. Good question,鈥 Goffman responds. 鈥淭here鈥檚 a long tradition of doing this kind of fieldwork, going back to the early Chicago School. This was a tradition in full force at Pennsylvania where I started the research. Elijah Anderson, Chuck Bosk, David Grazian 鈥 these were Chicago School ethnographers doing serious fieldwork and encouraging their students to go out and study the city. I also took classes with Michael Katz, the urban historian, and Randy Collins, the theorist. They were very encouraging to me, and inspiring.

鈥淚 did take a non-fiction class from an English professor who was pretty concerned about the fieldwork. He actually asked to meet with my parents. But that was the thing 鈥 my parents were hugely supportive. So was Mitch Duneier at Princeton, who became my adviser. Other folks I worked with at Princeton, like Paul DiMaggio and Viviana Zelizer, were not ethnographers, but they believed in first-hand observation, and they were extremely supportive of the project.

鈥淲ere people worried about me? Yeah, sure they were. But I was pretty adamant about doing the research. And the way I looked at it, I wasn鈥檛 taking on any excessive risk 鈥 I was simply living in a working-class-to-poor African-American neighborhood in a large metropolitan area in the US.鈥

Asked if she has had valuable feedback from the people who appear in the research behind this book, Goffman says, 鈥淵es, certainly. Reggie is the most avid reader and writer in the group. In prison he penned a lot of what he called 鈥榟ood novels鈥. When he came home he鈥檇 lose interest in writing, but when he was locked up, which was most of his teens and twenties, we鈥檇 talk about writing a lot.

鈥淗is basic comment on the book 鈥 as a 23-year-old going in and out of prison 鈥 was that it was very academic-sounding. 鈥榃e鈥檙e giving you this exciting material and you鈥檙e making it boring,鈥 he once told me. 鈥楲ike, my life is interesting.鈥 I tried to listen to that and write in a style that people outside of sociology might want to read.鈥

Did the tradition of gangster/ghetto memoirs known to some of the people who feature in On the Run play a key role in ensuring that聽they did not object to being the subjects of your research? 鈥淚 guess the answer is that I鈥檓 not sure. It started as a college thesis, then became a dissertation. A book was our hope for it 鈥 mine and Mike鈥檚 and Reggie鈥檚 鈥 but it took me so long that I think a lot of the guys didn鈥檛 quite believe it would ever actually come out. On the other hand, a lot of the time, nobody really cared that I was taking notes all day. There were way more important things going on.鈥

If a good fairy could give Goffman the gift of any skill or talent, she says she would choose 鈥渁 sense of direction. I鈥檓 hopeless at getting places.鈥

Karen Shook

On the Run: Fugitive Life in an American City

By Alice Goffman
University of Chicago Press, 288pp, 拢17.50
ISBN 9780226136714 and 6851 (e-book)
Published 13 May 2014

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